Germany has been having a hard time lately.

As the war in Ukraine began in 2014, it seemed as though Germany might reassert itself geopolitically according to its traditional place in Central Europe. The United States government was pushing for a proxy war in Ukraine, while Germany led the doves against confrontation.

Angela Merkel was quoted a few years earlier saying multiculturalism had failed. Merkel’s stiff, no-nonsense image and her East German background led some to even compare her to Putin and contrast her with Obama, Hollande, and other Western leaders. Germany was hardly a sovereign paradise, but a gleam of hope had peeked out over the horizon.

That gleam flickered out in 2015, and it’s not coming back.

After a record 2 million migrants entered Germany in 2015 at Merkel’s explicit invitation, more than a million illegally, any notion of German sovereignty is laughable. There won’t be any more Merkel-Putin comparisons.

Earlier this June, the German Bundestag voted to acknowledge the 1915 massacres of ethnic Armenians by the Ottoman Empire as an officially recognized genocide. A coterie of Armenian activists watched the vote take place, along with Turkish and Armenian diplomats. The Turkish government launched a “barrage of pressure” on the German government not to pass the resolution, but the opportunity to apologize for another genocide (Germany and the Ottoman Empire were allies during the First World War) was apparently too succulent to pass up.

Why is the German parliament debating Middle Eastern genocides that are more than 100-years-old at all? There are around 40,000 Armenians living in Germany. There are more than 1.5 million Turkish citizens living in Germany, as well as another 1.2 million Turks with German citizenship. Googling “Armenian genocide” will show you exactly how much of a conflict there is over the details and recognition of the 1915 massacres as an official genocide. The Turkish government—the successor to the Ottoman state—vehemently denies the label of genocide. Armenian diaspora activists all over the world push for formal recognition in response.

The Turkish government spent $3 million on the Institute of Turkish Studies in Washington, D.C., hired American academics to shill for them, and in response, ethnic activists are labeling the institution and its members “Armenian genocide deniers.” In Turkey, statements about the massacres of Armenians interpreted as anti-Turkish have been cause for bombings and assassinations. This obscure ethnic brouhaha has both sides meticulously recording whether heads of state who have no stake in the issue are using the word “genocide” or “killings of 1915.”

Now the fight has moved to Germany. Why? Because when you import Third World people, you import Third World problems.

The German parliament was not the first place in Germany to become a rented-out battlefield for foreign combatants. Late last year, clashes between Kurds and Turks occurred in Berlin, Stuttgart, and Frankfurt. The main battle is going on in the Kurdish region of Turkey, where the Turkish government is bombing Kurdish rebels, but the skirmishes occur wherever Turks and Kurds live near each other. Peaceful multiculturalism? Give me a break: there are more than 1.1 million Kurds living in Germany. Millions of Turks and millions of Kurds living in close proximity in German suburbs and cities are not going to heed the pro-tolerance propaganda put out by aging Green Party spinsters working for the Ministry of Integration.

In another example, when the Turkish government began a crackdown on the Kurdistan Workers Party—a recognized terrorist organization according to NATO, the U.S., and the EU—an estimated 15,000 people marched in support in a single German city. The Germans are aware of this problem, although they downplay it when they import more potential troublemakers. Violence began way back in the early 1990s; according to Reuters, “Kurdish militants overran the Turkish consulate in Munich and launched arson attacks against Turkish facilities across Germany.”

Turks and Kurds are just one type of foreign conflict playing out in Germany. Organized crime in Berlin is run not by Russians or Poles, but by Arabs. The Arab mafia run drug and prostitution rings and have apparently been recruiting desperate Arab migrants to commit crimes for them. When the Arab crime families get into disputes, it’s the job of the German police to referee them: in one example, 90 police officers were necessary to break up a street fight of 70 Arabs.

Going back earlier before 1990, you can find even more instances of foreign political violence playing out in German territory. This excellent paper details some examples. In 1962, twenty émigré Croatian nationalists stormed and demolished the communist Yugoslav trade mission in Bonn, then the West German capital, in response to a potential German-Yugoslav trade agreement. One person was killed in the attack. Up to 40 similar separate attacks followed until 1969. Retaliatory assassinations and operations by the Yugoslav security services occurred in Germany until the break-up of Yugoslavia in 1992.

The paper also describes the street violence caused by anti-Franco Spanish immigrants, as well as the occupations of diplomatic buildings and violent demonstrations by a variety of Iranian immigrant groups. A visit by the Shah of Iran to West Germany in 1967 triggered “several student riots.”

What is Germany’s long-term future going to look like after the importation of millions of Third Worlders with overlapping grudges against each other? The grudges don’t disappear on contact with EU borders. Reports of violence in migrant centers across Germany have been endemic. In Calais, the same crop of so-called refugees erupted into a 200-man rampage fought between rival Afghans and Sudanese. Not that they have to wait to reach European shores before they start killing each other: Muslim migrants threw Christian migrants overboard on short dinghy trips to Europe from Africa.

In this endless drama of foreign ethnic conflict, where are all the Germans? They are afraid of violence, but unable to remove the violent foreigners in their midst. In a scenario where the natives are incapable or unwilling to defend themselves, the natives take a back seat to the conflicts of foreigners who use their country as a convenient theater for wars imported from the homeland. The natives become passive spectators to wars occurring in their own streets and on their own soil. Their own police and parliament become more concerned with the intrigues of ancient foreign vendettas than with the people who finance and staff them.

“On Easter Sunday in the Bavarian city of Aschaffenburg, roughly three dozen Kurds threw rocks and shot fireworks at a group of 600 Turks demonstrating against the “terror” of both Islamic State and the PKK.” So reads a quote from Reuters. In a nation like Germany, the traditional holiday marking the resurrection of the Son of God and savior of mankind is interrupted by fireworks and demonstrations marking a conflict between two irreconcilable groups whose roots are thousands of miles away.

In the absence of a strong national culture and truly sovereign state, the country of a nation long past its prime becomes a staging ground for the ethnic and political conflicts of totally alien groups.